
Ralf Dahrendorf
German-British sociologist and politician (1929–2009)
Ralf Gustav Dahrendorf, Baron Dahrendorf, (German pronunciation: [ˈʁalf ˈɡʊstaf ˈdaːʁəndɔʁf]; 1 May 1929 – 17 June 2009) was a German-British sociologist, philosopher, political scientist and liberal politician. A class conflict theorist, Dahrendorf was a leading expert on explaining and analysing class divisions in modern society.2
From Wikipedia’s article on Ralf Dahrendorf (this version), CC BY-SA 4.0.
Born May 1, 1929, died Jun 17, 2009.1
About
Dahrendorf wrote multiple articles and books, his most notable being Class and Conflict in Industrial Society (1959) and Essays in the Theory of Society (1968).
During his political career, he was a Member of the German Parliament, Parliamentary Secretary of State at the Foreign Office of Germany, European Commissioner for Trade, European Commissioner for Research, Science and Education and Member of the British House of Lords, after he was created a life peer in 1993. He was subsequently known in the United Kingdom as Lord Dahrendorf.
He served as director of the London School of Economics and Warden of St Antony's College, University of Oxford. He also served as a professor of sociology at a number of universities in Germany and the United Kingdom and was a research professor at the Berlin Social Science Research Center.
From Wikipedia’s article on Ralf Dahrendorf, shared under CC BY-SA 4.0.2
Companies
- Friedrich Naumann FoundationChair 1982 to 198723
Early life and education
- Date not recordedSaarland University3
- Date not recordedUniversity of Hamburg3
- Date not recordedLondon School of Economics and Political Science3
Education and career
Ralf Dahrendorf studied philosophy, classical philology, and sociology at Hamburg University between 1947 and 1952. He continued his academic research at the London School of Economics under Karl Popper as a Leverhulme Research Scholar in 1953–1954, gaining a PhD degree in sociology in 1956. At this early stage in Dahrendorf's academic career, he took an interest in Marxist theory and wrote his PhD thesis on Karl Marx's theory of justice. After completing his doctorate he returned to Germany, where he was a professor of sociology at Hamburg (1957–1960), Tübingen (1960–1964) and Konstanz (1966–1969) universities. He was one of the founders (1964) of the University of Konstanz.
From 1957 to 1959, Dahrendorf talked about "this ability to organize as the principle between quasi-groups and interest groups". Quasi-groups are defined as "those collectives that have latent identical role interests but do not experience a sense of "belongingness". Interest groups, on the other hand, "have a structure, a form of organization, a program or goal, and a personnel of members". The interest groups identity and sense of belonging are produced when people have the ability to communicate, recruit members, form leadership, and create a unifying ideology In 1960, he became a visiting professor of sociology at Columbia University in New York.
From 1967 to 1970, he was Chairman of the German Sociological Association (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Soziologie), resigning it when he took up his office at Brussels. Between 1976 and 1979 he led the educational sub-committee of the Benson Commission.
From 1968 to 1969, Dahrendorf was a member of the Parliament of Baden-Württemberg, and also in 1968, his links with Harvard University began. Dahrendorf decided to become a member of the Bundestag in 1969 during the time when Brandt formed his first SPD-FDP coalition government. After joining, he was appointed parliamentary secretary to the foreign minister. Because he was placed third on the ladder of command in the foreign ministry, he did not enjoy the experience. From 1969 to 1970 he was a member of the German parliament for the Free Democratic Party (the German liberals). During this period he was also a Parliamentary Secretary of State in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1970 he became a Commissioner in the European Commission in Brussels. He was dedicated to the EU as a guarantor of human rights and liberty.
In 1974, the BBC invited him to present the annual Reith Lectures. In this series of six radio talks, entitled The New Liberty, he examined the definition of freedom.
From 1974 to 1984, Dahrendorf was director of the London School of Economics. Then he returned to Germany to become Professor of Social Science, at Konstanz University (1984–86).
In 1986, Ralf Dahrendorf became a Governor of the London School of Economics. From 1987 to 1997, he was Warden of St Antony's College at the University of Oxford, succeeding the historian Sir Raymond Carr.
In 1982, Dahrendorf was made a Knight Commander of the Order of the British Empire. In 1988, he acquired British citizenship. and became known as Sir Ralf Dahrendorf (as only KBEs who are British subjects are entitled to use that title). On 15 July 1993, he was created a life peer with the title Baron Dahrendorf of Clare Market in the City of Westminster. Clare Market is near the London School of Economics, and is also used for car parking by LSE staff. Dahrendorf chose this name to honour the School in this way, and also as a sign of his liberal humour. He sat in the House of Lords as a cross-bencher.
Between 2000 and 2006, Dahrendorf served as Chairman of the Judging Panel of the FIRST Award for Responsible Capitalism. He received the FIRST Responsible Capitalism lifetime Achievement Award in 2009. Dahrendorf insisted that even the most basic civil rights, including equality and freedom of expression, be given constitutional legitimacy. On 11 July 2007, he was awarded the Prince of Asturias Award for Social Studies.
In January 2005, he was appointed a research professor at the Social Science Research Center Berlin (WZB).
Dahrendorf held dual citizenship in the UK and Germany. After retiring, he lived partly in Germany and partly in the United Kingdom, with one home in London and one in Bonndorf in south-western Germany. When asked which city he considered his home, he once said, "I am a Londoner". He also once said that his life was marked by a conflict between the obligation he felt to the country of his birth, Germany, and the attraction he felt for Britain.
He favoured laws and policies that encouraged personal freedom, a sense of citizenship, and a broadening of social, economic and political opportunities. He argued that Germany's problems stemmed from a belief in absolute answers and in the yearning for an all-powerful leader to put them into effect.
From Wikipedia’s article on Ralf Dahrendorf (this version), CC BY-SA 4.0.
Career
Occupation: opinion journalist, political scientist, university teacher, sociologist, politician, philosopher, secretary of state.9
- 1993 to 2009Member of the House of Lords5
- 1982 to 1987Chair, Friedrich Naumann Foundation8
- 1973 to 1977European Commissioner for Research, Innovation and Science5
- 1970 to 1973European Commissioner for Trade5
- 1969 to 1970Member of the German Bundestag5
- 1968 to 1969Member of the Landtag of Baden-Württemberg5 6
- 1967 to 1970Chair, German Sociological Association7
- Date not recordedWorked at University of Oxford4
- Date not recordedWorked at University of Konstanz4
- Date not recordedWorked at University of Hamburg4
- Date not recordedWorked at London School of Economics and Political Science4
- Date not recordedWorked at University of Tübingen4
- Date not recordedParliamentary Secretary in Germany5
- Date not recordedEuropean Commissioner5
Personal life
- BornMay 1, 1929, Hamburg10
- DiedJun 17, 2009, Cologne11
- CitizenshipUnited Kingdom, Germany12
- SpouseEllen Dahrendorf married 198013
Family
Dahrendorf was born in Hamburg, Germany, on 1 May 1929, the son of Lina and Gustav Dahrendorf and brother of Frank Dahrendorf.
Dahrendorf was known for strongly supporting anti-Nazi activities. As a child, Ralf was a member of the Deutsches Jungvolk, the youngest branch of the Hitler Youth. When Ralf was only a teenager, he and his father, an SPD member of the German Parliament, were arrested and sent to concentration camps for their anti-Nazi activities during the Nazi regime. One of the activities consisted of Dahrendorf distributing leaflets that were encouraging people not to join the regime. After this, his family moved to Berlin. In 1944, during the last year of the Second World War, he was arrested again for engaging in anti-Nazi activities and sent to a concentration camp in Poland. He was released in 1945.
Marriages and children
Dahrendorf was married three times. He married his first wife, Vera, in 1954. She was a fellow student at the London School of Economics. Together they had three daughters: Nicola, Alexandra and Daphne Dahrendorf. Nicola Dahrendorf has worked for the United Nations and as the West Africa Regional Conflict Adviser to the UK Government.
From 1980 to 2004, he was married to historian and translator Ellen Dahrendorf (née Ellen Joan Krug), the daughter of Professor James Krug. When he was created a peer in 1993, his wife became known as Lady Dahrendorf. Ellen Dahrendorf, who is Jewish, has served on the board of the Jewish Institute for Policy Research, been chair of the British branch of the New Israel Fund, and is a signatory of the Independent Jewish Voices declaration, which is critical of Israeli policies towards the Palestinians.
Dahrendorf's first two marriages ended in divorce. In 2004 he married Christiane Dahrendorf, also known as Lady Christiane Dahrendorf, a medical doctor from Cologne.
Read more
Unlike many of the other works published by social theorists in the 1950s, Dahrendorf's work acknowledges the same class interests that worried Marx. Like Marx, Dahrendorf agreed that conflict is still a basic fact of social life. Dahrendorf believed that class conflict could have beneficial consequences for society, such as progressive change. Dahrendorf is recognised for being one of the best departures from the structural functionalist tradition of the 1950s. Dahrendorf criticised and wanted to challenge the "false, utopian representation of societal harmony, stability, and consensus by the structural functionalist school." Nevertheless, Dahrendorf still shares key ideas with structural functionalists, such as a general faith in the efficacy of political and economic institutions. Like Weber, Dahrendorf criticises Marx's view that the working class will ultimately become a homogeneous group of unskilled machine operators. Dahrendorf points out that in postcapitalist society there are elaborate distinctions regarding income, prestige, skill level, and life chances. Dahrendorf's pluralist view of class and power structures and belief that hierarchies of authority are inevitable in modern societies also reflect Weberian ideas.
From Wikipedia’s article on Ralf Dahrendorf (this version), CC BY-SA 4.0.
Legal issues and controversies
Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society
In 1959, Dahrendorf published in his most influential work on social inequality, Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society. Despite later revisions and affirmations of his work, the book still remains his first detailed and most influential account of the problem of social inequality in modern, or post-capitalist societies.
In analysing and evaluating the arguments of structural functionalism and Marxism, Dahrendorf believed that neither theory alone could account for all of society. Marxism did not account for evidence of obvious social integration and cohesion. Structural functionalism, on the other hand, did not focus enough on social conflict. He also asserted that Karl Marx defined class in a narrow and historically specific context. During Marx's time, wealth was the determining factor in attaining power. The wealthy and therefore the powerful ruled, leaving no way for the poor to gain any power or increase their position in society.
Drawing on aspects of both Marxism and structural functionalists to form his own beliefs, Dahrendorf highlighted the changes that have occurred in modern society. Dahrendorf believed in two approaches to society, Utopian and Rationalist. Utopian is the balance of values and solidity and Rationalist is the dissension and disagreement. While he believes that both are social perspectives, the Utopian approach is most apparent in modern-day society, leaving Dahrendorf to create a balance between the two views. Dahrendorf discusses literary utopias to show that the structural-functionalists idea of the social system is utopians in itself because it possess all the necessary characteristics. Specifically, with democracy came voting for political parties, and increased social mobility. He believes that the struggle for authority creates conflict. Money, political power, and social status were all controlled by the same group – the capitalist – which gave the workers little incentive to accept the status quo.
Furthermore, he believes that traditional Marxism ignores consensus and integration in modern social structures. Dahrendorf's theory defined class not in terms of wealth like Marx, but by levels of authority. Dahrendorf combines elements from both of these perspectives to develop his own theory about class conflict in post-capitalist society. Dahrendorf agrees with Marx that authority, in the 19th century, was based on income, and thus the rich bourgeoisie ruled the state. Yet things changed then, where workers formed trade unions and allowed them to negotiate with the capitalist.
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The most prevalent criticism of Dahrendorf's conflict theory is that it only takes a macro-sociological perspective. The theory fails to address much of social life. In increasingly modern, multicultural societies, the contested concept and construct of identity received growing emphasis and was the focus of many debates. As a consequence of the debates over identity, and inevitably in a globalising, modern, multicultural world, the issues of citizenship came into play. Specifically, the discussions analysed the ways in which citizenship contributed to the formation and construction of identities. Dahrendorf's adherence to a Marxian position seemingly prevented him from participating in these debates. Absent from Dahrendorf's theory were any significant discussions of culture, and therefore, citizenship and identity.
From Wikipedia’s article on Ralf Dahrendorf (this version), CC BY-SA 4.0.
Awards
- 2009Schader Award14
- 2007Princess of Asturias Award for Social Sciences14 22
- 2002Walter Hallstein Prize14
- 1999Order of Merit of Baden-Württemberg14
- 1998Goethe Medal14 21
- 1997Theodor Heuss Award14 20
- 1994Reinhold Maier Medal14
- 1994honorary doctor of Paris Descartes University14 19
- 1993Toynbee Prize14 18
- 1989Nevitt Sanford Award for Outstanding Professional Contributions to Political Psychology14 16
More awards (14)
- 1989Sigmund Freud Prize14 17
- 1981Honorary Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons14
- 1974honorary doctorate14 15
- Date not recordedFellow of the British Academy14
- Date not recordedGrand Cross of Honor for Services to the Republic of Austria14
- Date not recordedGrand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg14
- Date not recordedGreat Cross with Star and Sash of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany14
- Date not recordedKnight Commander of the Order of the British Empire14
- Date not recordedKnight Grand Cross of the Order of Leopold II14
- Date not recordedKnight Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic14
- Date not recordedPour le Mérite for Sciences and Arts order14
- Date not recordedPrincess of Asturias Awards14
- Date not recordedhonorary doctor of the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven14
- Date not recordedhonorary doctor of the University of Warsaw14
Links
Sources
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- 1WikidataRalf Dahrendorf on Wikidata
- 2WikipediaRalf Dahrendorf on Wikipedia
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