Sirimavo Bandaranaike

Education

In 1971, the government introduced a system of standardisation of marks for admissions to the universities which was directed against Tamil-medium students. K. M. de Silva describes it as follows:

"The qualifying mark for admission to the medical faculties was 250 (out of 400) for Tamil students, whereas it was only 229 for the Sinhalese. Worse still, this same pattern of a lower qualifying mark applied even when Sinhalese and Tamil students sat for the examination in English. In short, students sitting for examinations in the same language, but belonging to two ethnic groups, had different qualifying marks."

Therefore, the government policy of standardisation was in essence a discriminatory regulation to curtail the number of Tamil students selected for certain faculties in the universities. The benefits enjoyed by Sinhalese students as a result of this also meant a significant fall in the number of Tamil students within the Sri Lankan university student populace.

University selection of 1971 was allocated proportionate to the number of participants who sat for the entrance examination in that language. As guaranteed before the exam, Tamil share was reduced to the proportion of the Tamils medium students (according to 1971 census, 27% of the total population used Tamil as first medium).

According to 1971 exam results, a large proportion of the Tamil allocation was enjoyed by Tamils in Jaffna and a large proportion of the Sinhalese share was enjoyed by the Sinhalese in Colombo.

Bandaranaike’s United Front government introduced changes to university admission criteria as part of its affirmative action policies. Initially, the system favoured Sinhalese students, before being revised to incorporate regional quotas across ethnic and religious groups. The policies were criticised for placing less emphasis on academic merit and contributing to a decline in Tamil students’ admission to science and medical faculties.

In the 1971, some Sinhalese complained of Tamils overrepresentation in universities, especially in engineering and the sciences. This resulted in the government also introducing lower university entrance qualifying marks for Sinhalese-medium students applying to science faculties, as shown in the table below:

From 1972, Bandaranaike’s government introduced reforms to the education system, including changes to assessment and examinations. The reforms sought to broaden assessment from a selective system to one serving a larger proportion of students, while introducing elements of decentralised assessment in pre-vocational studies. These studies were intended to contribute to selection for higher education and to be assessed continuously by teachers. The implementation of the reforms was criticised for being rushed and insufficiently developed.

Also in 1972, the government added district quota as a parameter within each languages. 30% of university places were allocated on the basis of island-wide merit; half the places were allocated on the basis of comparative scores within districts and an additional 15% reserved for students from under privileged districts.

By 1973, Sri Lanka’s literacy rate had exceeded 80 percent, among the highest in Asia. This was attributed in part to the country’s longstanding policy of providing free education through the university level.

Ceylonese coup d’état attempt (1962)

Some military officers plotted a coup d'état, which included plans to detain Bandaranaike and her cabinet members at the Army Headquarters. When the police official Stanley Senanayake was taken into the confidence of the coup leadership, his father-in-law Patrick de Silva Kularatne informed the IGP. Immediately calling all service commanders and junior officers to an emergency meeting at Temple Trees, Felix Dias Bandaranaike and members of Criminal Investigation Department (CID) began questioning the military personnel and uncovered the plot.

Because the coup was aborted before it began, the trial process for the 24 accused conspirators was lengthy and complex. The retroactive Criminal Law Special Provision Act of 1962, which allowed consideration of hearsay evidence, was passed to aid in the conviction of the plotters. Though rumours circulated against Sir Oliver Goonatillake, the governor general, there was no real evidence against him and therefore no means of prosecuting him. He was neither "removed from office nor did he resign". He agreed to answer questions about his suspected involvement once he was replaced. In February Bandaranaike's uncle, William Gopallawa was appointed governor general. Goonatillake was escorted to the airport, left Ceylon, and went into voluntary exile.

Leader of the Opposition (1965–1970)

In the 1965 elections, Bandaranaike won a seat in the House of Representatives from the Attanagalla Electoral District. With her party gaining 41 seats, she became the Leader of the Opposition, the first woman ever to hold the post. Dudley Senanayake was sworn in as prime minister on 25 March 1965.

Soon after, Bandaranaike's position as a member of parliament was challenged, when allegations were made that she had accepted a bribe, in the form of a car, while in office. A committee was appointed to investigate and she was later cleared of the charge.

During her five-year term in the opposition, she maintained her alliance with leftist parties. Of the seven by-elections held between November 1966 and April 1967, six were won by the opposition under Bandaranaike's leadership. Continued inflation, trade imbalance, unemployment, and the failure of expected foreign aid to materialise led to widespread discontent. This was further fuelled by austerity measures, which reduced the weekly rice stipend. By 1969, Bandaranaike was actively campaigning to return to power. Among other pledges, she promised to give two measures of rice per household, nationalise foreign banks and the import-export industry, establish watchgroups for monitoring business and government corruption, return to a foreign policy which leaned away from "imperialist" partners, and hold a Constituent Assembly charged with drafting a new Constitution.

Second Premiership (1970–1977)

Bandaranaike regained power after the United Front coalition between the Communist Party, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party and her own Freedom Party won the 1970 elections with a large majority in May 1970. Upon returning to office as prime minister for a second term, Bandaranaike was sworn in before Governor-general William Gopallawa at Queen's House. In addition to the premiership, she assumed responsibility for the portfolios of Defence, External Affairs, Planning and Employment.

By July, she had convened a Constitutional Assembly to replace the British-drafted constitution with one drafted by the Ceylonese. She introduced policies requiring that permanent secretaries in the government ministries have expertise in their division. For example, those serving in the Ministry of Housing had to be trained engineers, and those serving in the Ministry of Health, medical practitioners. All government employees were allowed to join Workers Councils and at the local level and she established People's Committees to allow input from the population at large on government administration. The changes were intended to remove elements of British colonial and foreign influence from the country's institutions.

Facing budget deficits of $195 million – caused by rising energy and food-importation costs and declining revenue from coconut, rubber and tea exports – Bandaranaike attempted to centralise the economy and implement price controls. Pressed by the leftist members of her coalition to nationalise the foreign banks of British, Indian and Pakistani origin, she realised that doing so would impact the need for credit. As she had in her previous regime, she tried to balance the flow of foreign assistance from both capitalist and communist partners.

In September 1970, Bandaranaike attended the third Non-Aligned Conference in Lusaka, Zambia. That month, she also travelled to Paris and London to discuss international trade. Ordering representatives of The Asia Foundation and the Peace Corps to leave the country, Bandaranaike began re-evaluating trade agreements and proposals that had been negotiated by her predecessor. She announced that her government would not recognise Israel until the country peacefully settled its problem with its Arab neighbours. She officially granted recognition to East Germany, North Korea, North Vietnam, and the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam. Following the death of Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser in September 1970, Bandaranaike attended his funeral and declared two days of national mourning in Ceylon. She regarded Nasser with particular gratitude for his assistance during an earlier oil shortage, when he had promptly dispatched vessels to the island. Bandaranaike received Pope Paul VI who undertook a short visit to Sri Lanka in December 1970. The visit which was confined to the Ratmalana Airport was highly significant as it was the first visit by a pope to Ceylon. Bandaranaike opposed the development of an Anglo-US communications centre in the Indian Ocean, maintaining that the area should be a "neutral, nuclear-free zone". In December, the Business Undertaking Acquisition Act was passed, allowing the state to nationalise any business with more than 100 employees. Ostensibly, the move aimed to reduce foreign control of key tea and rubber production, but it stunted both domestic and foreign investment in industry and development.

Bandaranaike also expanded Sri Lanka's engagement with the Middle East during her premierships, strengthening relations with Arab states and pursuing a broadly pro-Arab foreign policy. Her governments developed closer ties with the United Arab Republic and Iraq, while also supporting the Palestinian cause and the Palestine Liberation Organisation. This policy contributed to the deterioration of Sri Lanka's relations with Israel and the eventual severing of diplomatic ties between the two countries.

JVP insurrection (1971)

Despite Bandaranaike's efforts to address the country's economic problems, unemployment and inflation remained unchecked. After just 16 months in power, Bandaranaike's government was almost toppled by the 1971 Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna Insurrection of left-wing youths. Though aware of the militant stance of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (People's Liberation Front), Bandaranaike's administration initially failed to recognise them as an imminent threat, dismissing them as idealists.

On 6 March, militants attacked the U.S. Embassy in Colombo, leading to the declaration of a state of emergency on 17 March. In early April, attacks on police stations evidenced a well-planned insurgency which Ceylon's small army was ill-equipped to handle. Calling on its allies for assistance, the government was saved largely because of Bandaranaike's neutral foreign policy. The Soviet Union sent aircraft to support the Ceylonese government; arms and equipment came from Britain, the United Arab Republic, the United States and Yugoslavia; medical supplies were provided by East and West Germany, Norway and Poland; patrol boats were sent from India; and both India and Pakistan sent troops. On 1 May, Bandaranaike suspended government offensives and offered an amnesty, which resulted in thousands of surrenders. The following month a second amnesty was offered. Bandaranaike established a National Committee of Reconstruction to re-establish civil authority and provide a strategic plan for dealing with those captured or surrendered insurgents. One of the Bandaranaike's first actions after the conflict was to expel North Korean diplomats, as she suspected they had fomented the radical discontent. The saying "She was the only man in her cabinet" – attributed to her political opponents in the 1960s – resurfaced during the height of the insurgency, as Bandaranaike proved that she had become a "formidable political force".

Republic of Sri Lanka (1972–1977)

In May 1972, Ceylon was replaced by the Republic of Sri Lanka after a new Constitution was ratified. Though the country remained within the Commonwealth of Nations, Queen Elizabeth II was no longer recognised as its sovereign. Under its terms, the Senate, suspended since 1971, was officially abolished and the new unicameral National State Assembly was created, combining the powers of the executive, judicial and legislative branches in one authority.

The constitution recognised the supremacy of Buddhism, though it guaranteed equal protection to Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, and Islam. It failed to provide a charter of inalienable rights, recognised Sinhala as the only official language, and contained no "elements of federalism".

The new constitution also extended Bandaranaike's term by two years, resetting the mandated five-year term of the prime minister to the coincide with the creation of the republic. These limits caused concern for various sectors of the population, specifically those who were uneasy about authoritarian rule, and the Tamil-speaking population. Before the month was out, the discontent escalated before leading to the passage of the Justices Commission Bill, establishing separate tribunals to deal with the imprisoned insurgents from the previous year. Those in opposition to the tribunals argued that they were a violation of the principles of human rights. By July, sporadic incidents of violence were resurfacing, and by the end of the year, a second wave of revolt was anticipated. Widespread unemployment fuelled the public's growing disillusionment with the government, in spite of land redistribution programmes enacted to establish farming cooperatives and limit the size of privately held lands.

In 1972, Bandaranaike’s government enacted the Land Reform Act, which imposed a ceiling of 20 hectares on privately owned land. The reforms were expanded in 1975 through the nationalisation of plantations owned by public companies.

The 1973 oil crisis had a traumatic effect on the Sri Lankan economy. Still dependent on foreign assistance, goods and monetary aid from Australia, Canada, China, Denmark, Hungary, and the World Bank, Bandaranaike eased the austerity programmes that limited importation of consumer goods. The United States terminated aid grants, which required no repayment, and changed to a policy of providing foreign loans. Devaluation of the Sri Lankan currency, coupled with inflation and high taxes, slowed economic growth, consequently creating cyclical pressure to address deficits with even higher taxes and austerity measures. Uncontrolled inflation between 1973 and 1974 led to economic uncertainty and public dissatisfaction.

In 1974, Bandaranaike forced the shut-down of the last independent newspaper group, The Sun, believing their criticism was fuelling unrest. Fissures appeared in the United Front coalition, largely resulting from the Lanka Sama Samaja Party's continued influence on trade unions and threats of strike actions throughout 1974 and 1975. When newly confiscated estates were placed under the Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, controlled by the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, fears that they would unionise plantation workers led Bandaranaike to oust them from the government coalition.

In March 1974, while delivering the keynote address at a meeting of the United Nations Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East in Colombo, Bandaranaike proposed the establishment of a World Fertiliser Fund. The proposal received international support, and the United Nations Economic and Social Commission subsequently adopted a resolution sponsored by Sri Lanka and New Zealand calling for its creation.

In June 1974, Bandaranaike and Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi concluded the India–Sri Lankan Maritime Agreement, which recognised Katchatheevu as part of Sri Lankan territory and sought to resolve the maritime boundary between the two countries in the Palk Strait.

On 6 October 1974, Bandaranaike formally declared the University of Jaffna open at the premises of Parameshwara College, which had been founded by Ponnambalam Ramanathan in 1921. The establishment of the university provided the Northern Province with a new institution of higher education.

In December 1974, Bandaranaike inaugurated the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies, an institution established to promote the study of international relations, international law and diplomacy.

In recognition of International Women's Year in 1975, Bandaranaike created an agency to focus on women's issues, which would later become the Ministry of Women and Child Affairs. She appointed the first woman to serve in the Sri Lankan Cabinet, Siva Obeyesekere, first as First State Secretary for Health and later as Minister of Health. She was feted at the UN World Conference on Women hosted in Mexico City, attending as the only woman prime minister elected in her own right.

In September 1975, the United Front coalition that had formed the government in 1970 began to dissolve after the Lanka Sama Samaja Party withdrew from the ruling coalition. Despite the split, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), led by Bandaranaike, retained a majority in the National State Assembly.

By 1976, the first phase of the Mahaweli Development programme, which had been initiated under Bandaranaike's government during her first premiership and whose implementation commenced in 1970, had been completed. The first phase included diversion headworks at Polgolla and Bowatenna, a 40 MW hydroelectric power station at Ukuwela, and improvements to water supplies serving approximately 52,700 hectares of existing irrigated land.

Beyond irrigation and hydroelectric development, the Mahaweli Development Programme also involved the settlement of farming families and the establishment of new townships, village centres and hamlets, requiring the provision of services such as education, healthcare and agricultural support. Based on the water resources of the Mahaweli Ganga and six associated river basins, the programme was conceived as an integrated multipurpose rural-development project. Its objectives included increasing agricultural production and hydroelectric power generation, creating employment opportunities, settling landless families and providing flood control. The programme was originally planned to be implemented over a period of 35 years.

Bandaranaike also stepped into the one-year term of chair at the 5th Conference of the Non-Aligned Nations in 1976, hosting the meeting in Colombo. The event was held at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH). The convention centre was a gift from the People's Republic of China in memory of her husband, Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike.

Despite her high regard internationally, she continued to struggle domestically under allegations of corruption and nepotism, while the economy continued to decline. In their struggle for recognition, discontented Tamils turned to separatism. In May 1976, the Vaddukoddai Resolution was adopted by the Tamil United Liberation Front, calling for independent statehood and sovereign autonomy.

On 17 July 1976, a bronze statue of Bandaranaike's late husband S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike was unveiled in Galle Face Green, Colombo. The monument was sculpted by Lev Kerbel and was gifted from the Soviet Union.

Healthcare

In 1961, Bandaranaike’s government enacted the Ayurveda Act No. 31 of 1961, providing a statutory framework for Ayurveda and traditional medicine in Ceylon. The Act established the Department of Ayurveda and provided for the regulation of Ayurvedic practitioners and healthcare institutions, as well as the development of Ayurvedic education and research. It came into operation in October 1962.

In 1971, the government established a National Pharmaceuticals Policy following the recommendations of a commission chaired by Dr S. A. Wickremasinghe and Professor Senaka Bibile. The commission had been appointed to examine the country’s pharmaceutical trade and recommended the establishment of a national policy and a state institution to regulate the sector.

The policy sought to ensure the availability of good-quality medicines at the lowest possible prices and to encourage doctors to prescribe only the medicines necessary to treat patients. At the time, pharmaceutical companies commonly marketed medicines under proprietary brand names and provided information promoting branded products, which were often considerably more expensive than their generic equivalents. The policy therefore sought to promote the use of generic medicines and rational prescribing.

The approach attracted international attention and was subsequently regarded as a pioneering example of a national pharmaceutical policy. World Health Organization and other United Nations agencies supported the Sri Lankan experience, while the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development examined it as a potential model for other developing countries. With the assistance of Seneka Bibile, UNCTAD published Case Studies in the Transfer of Technology: Pharmaceutical Policies in Sri Lanka, examining the country’s experience and its potential application elsewhere.

The first Five-Year Health Plan for 1972–1976 placed greater emphasis on preventive healthcare. Its priorities included improving immunisation services and health education, addressing nutritional anaemia among pregnant women, and expanding rural water-supply and sanitation schemes. The plan also contributed to the gradual strengthening of primary healthcare during the 1970s.

Private residence

Tintagel, located at No. 65 Rosmead Place in Colombo 7, was the family residence of Sirimavo Bandaranaike, her husband, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, and their children. Completed in 1930 as a residence for Dr Lucian de Zilwa, the mansion was occupied by British military personnel during the 1940s, reportedly leaving it badly damaged. De Zilwa subsequently sold the property to Sir Solomon Dias Bandaranaike, who acquired it for his son, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike. The house became associated with Sri Lankan political history after S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike became prime minister in 1956. In September 1959, he was shot on the residence’s verandah and later died in hospital. Sirimavo Bandaranaike continued to live at Tintagel during much of her political career, until her death in 2000. In 2005, the Bandaranaike family leased the property to Udayshanth Fernando, who converted it into a boutique hotel known as Paradise Road Tintagel Colombo.

Political impact

At a time in history when the idea of a woman leading a country was almost unthinkable to the public, Bandaranaike helped raise the global perception of women's capabilities. In addition to her own contributions to Sri Lanka, her children became involved in the development of the country. All three children held nationally prominent positions; in addition to Anura and Chandrika's roles in government, Bandaranaike's daughter Sunetra worked as her political secretary in the 1970s and later became a philanthropist. The Bandaranaike marriage helped break down social barriers in Sri Lanka over the years, through the Socialist policies they enacted.

During her three terms in office, Bandaranaike led the country away from its colonial past and into its political independence as a republic. Implementing socialist policies during the Cold War, she attempted to nationalise key sectors of the economy and undertake land reforms to benefit the native population, desiring to end the political favouritism enjoyed by the Western-educated elites. A major goal of her policies was to reduce the ethnic and socio-economic disparities in the country. As one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, Bandaranaike brought Sri Lanka to prominence among the nations which sought to remain neutral to the influence of the superpowers. She worked to forge alliances between the countries in the Global South, and sought to resolve issues diplomatically, opposing nuclear expansion.

At the height of her political influence, Bandaranaike was treated with considerable deference by some supporters and officials. Accounts from the period describe sycophantic behaviour, with some individuals prostrating themselves before her or touching her feet, while officials were reported to withdraw backwards from her presence and address her in a manner associated with royalty. Senior defence officials were also reported to carry her luggage during official trips. On one occasion, women from a socially disadvantaged caste reportedly offered their hair as a carpet for her to walk upon, although Bandaranaike declined the gesture.

Despite Bandaranaike's notability as the world's first woman prime minister, political scholars have commented that Bandaranaike was symbolically powerful, but ultimately had little impact on women's political representation in Sri Lanka. Although Bandaranaike expressed pride in her status as a woman leader, considering herself a "Mother of the People", she did not place much personal or political emphasis on women's issues, and her election as prime minister did not significantly increase the number of women in Sri Lankan politics. Her appointment of the first woman minister, Siva Obeyesekere, to the Sri Lankan Cabinet in 1976, was less than revolutionary due to the fact that Obeyesekere was a relative of Bandaranaike's. That appointment followed a pattern of Bandaranaike appointing family members to high government positions.

By 1994, even though Bandaranaike and her daughter Kumaratunga held the top political positions of prime minister and president, Sri Lanka continued to have some of the lowest political participation rates for women out of any Asian country.

In 2010, on the 50th anniversary of Bandaranaike's election as the world's first female prime minister, Sri Lankan parliamentarian Rosy Senanayake told the press that Sri Lanka had not made significant progress towards gender equality in politics: only 4.5 per cent of parliamentarians were women. Senanayake had earlier called for a "special quota" to achieve better gender representation: such a quota, reserving 25% of all legislative seats for women, was passed in 2016.

In 2023, a documentary film chronicling her life story, titled Our Mother, Grandmother, Prime Minister: Sirimavo, was released. The film is portrayed through conversations with her two daughters, Sunethra and Chandrika, as well as two of her grandchildren. The film also contains personal accounts from long-standing members of the Ceylon Administrative Service, who were part of her cabinet. It won Best Documentary at the 21st Dhaka International Film Festival.